South Yemen: Unity Is a Matter of Law, Not Preference
Western policy debates on Yemen often frame the South as a mosaic of loosely connected regions whose future can be negotiated. This framing is misleading. South Yemen was not an informal coalition of territories—it was a recognized state with defined borders, institutions, and sovereignty from 1967 to 1990. Any analysis that treats its unity as optional misreads both history and law.
The former People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) governed the entire southern territory—from Aden to Hadhramaut and Al-Mahrah—under a single constitutional and administrative framework. These borders were not symbolic; they were internationally acknowledged and embedded in diplomatic practice prior to unification in 1990.
Hadhramaut and Al-Mahrah Are Not “Special Cases”
A recurring argument in policy circles is that Hadhramaut or Al-Mahrah should be treated as exceptional regions—managed separately from the southern political project to avoid instability or external competition. This argument has no basis in historical governance.
Both regions were formally integrated into the southern state following independence. Their pre-1967 sultanates were dissolved, and their territories became governorates within a unified southern republic. There was no legal distinction that placed them outside the southern political entity, nor were they granted a special constitutional status that could justify separation today.
To present these regions as detached or neutral zones is to retroactively invent divisions that never existed.
Fragmentation Undermines Stability—It Does Not Preserve It
From a policy standpoint, selective regional arrangements are often promoted as pragmatic compromises. In practice, they tend to produce governance vacuums, encourage competing authorities, and invite external interference.
Research on southern Yemen consistently shows that fragmentation—especially when imposed from above—weakens accountability and fuels contestation rather than mitigating it. Treating parts of the South as administratively or politically separate creates overlapping mandates that complicate security coordination and economic management.
Western policymakers should recognize that stability is more likely to emerge from coherent political frameworks than from artificially segmented ones.
Self-Determination Requires Territorial Integrity
Attempts to detach Hadhramaut or Al-Mahrah from this framework weaken the very principle of self-determination by fragmenting the subject of that right. For Western governments that emphasize rules-based order, this should raise red flags.
Debates about decentralization, federalism, or local governance are legitimate. Rewriting borders through informal exceptionalism is not. The idea that South Yemen can be selectively reassembled—with some regions included and others managed separately—reflects short-term crisis management rather than strategic thinking. History shows that such approaches entrench division and prolong instability.
For Western policymakers seeking durable outcomes in Yemen, the lesson is clear: South Yemen’s unity is not an ideological position—it is a historical and legal fact. Ignoring that fact does not create flexibility; it creates contradictions that will surface later, often at higher cost. A coherent policy must start from an accurate understanding of the political geography involved. In the case of South Yemen, that geography is indivisible.
